This column had argued earlier that a kind of obedience training appears to be applied to the system, one where it is being made clear as to who the boss is and what the new rules of the game are.
Defeat is the distance between a bedtime story and a wake-up call. The former starts with ‘Once upon a time...’ and lulls the voter to sleep. The second is an energiser that addresses a fresh dawn.
MCA have become victims of their own success: their narrative has run its course, and they have not been able to find a further chapter to their saga.MCA encourage Chinese to indulge in the self-delusion that a dispute exists. In truth, DAP reinvented itself as a champion of a psychological rather than an economic need.
Malaysian Chinese enthusiasm is no substitute for clarity. The flaws in Chinese are not in the laudable intention but in the clogged delivery. The desire to be politically correct has overtaken the imperative to be politically sensible. Method and order, the favourite weapons of Hercule Poirot, might be usefully employed in analysis Malaysian Chinese are blind. They cannot see how the Chinese have prospered since Merdeka compared to the other races in Malaysia. UMNO, , have done a fantastic job that created opportunities, especially for the Chinese. Malays have our rights guaranteed under the Federal Constitution too with a lot of decisions, including some minor everyday kind of calls appearing to need the final nod of the PMO. This column had argued earlier that a kind of obedience training appears to be applied to the system, one where it is being made clear as to who the boss is and what the new rules of the game are. MCA is not castrated by Umno unlike a long time ago, under Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s administration. Since then, when can a MCA president stand shoulder to shoulder, nose to nose with an Umno president?
The voters wanted a new mode of democracy and they have got it, although it is a version that is new to them. Najib’s model of democracy begins with democracy but instead of giving the electorate a greater say in governance, asks them to trust him to deliver the same. It is a high risk strategy but so far, the voters seem to have responded well, unused as they are to a politician taking on greater responsibility. But it also means that no overhaul of the political culture is at hand.Najib will use the politics of the day to his advantage, but will not challenge it directly. As things stand, he doesn’t need to submit to the Chinese.
.The current government under PM Najib continues to act on the first front but is there even an attempt to deliver a new kind of democracy? On the face of it, it does not seem so. No attempt has been made to cut back on the visible signs of power that those even faintly brushed by it revel in demonstrating. The sirens, the immunity from rules,There is no attempt to alter the nature of the political discourse, nor to trim its trappings. In that sense, the Najib government is no different from the previous Mahathir regime, and from other political imaginations that dominate the landscape.
The model depends leverages an act of democracy into an assertion of absolute authority — at the heart of this model lies Najib’s ability to connect directly to voters and to earn their confidence. The apparatus employed by him uses media in a way that makes the party organisation and network irrelevant to a large degree. Najib becomes the one-man vote machine on whom the entire party relies; in turn he exercises power over the party in a way that is unprecedented for UMNO
MCA's only avowed mission is to safeguard the political rights of Chinese Malaysians, and yet here we have MCA chief Liow Tiong Lai scrambling to cover up BN chief and Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak's point-blank insult and blackmail of the Chinese community, right on the stage of MCA's annual general assembly. Malays are granted the privilege as dictated in the constitution. But that reading might be a bit incomplete, for some things have changed. As has been extensively reported and speculated upon, there seems to have been a significant re-ordering of the power equation between the PM and MCA with a lot of decisions, including some minor everyday kind of calls appearing to need the final nod of the PMO.
Speaking to the delegates in the assembly, Najib said: "You can't demand and then support DAP. You can't demand and then support Pakatan." This message is crystal clear: If you don't vote for us, you can't ask for your rights under this government.If Liow still insists that Najib's words were distorted by the web media, would he put Najib's entire speech on YouTube for everyone to see and hear?
MCA have become victims of their own success: their narrative has run its course, and they have not been able to find a further chapter to their saga.MCA encourage Chinese to indulge in the self-delusion that a dispute exists. In truth, DAP reinvented itself as a champion of a psychological rather than an economic need.
Malaysian Chinese enthusiasm is no substitute for clarity. The flaws in Chinese are not in the laudable intention but in the clogged delivery. The desire to be politically correct has overtaken the imperative to be politically sensible. Method and order, the favourite weapons of Hercule Poirot, might be usefully employed in analysis Malaysian Chinese are blind. They cannot see how the Chinese have prospered since Merdeka compared to the other races in Malaysia. UMNO, , have done a fantastic job that created opportunities, especially for the Chinese. Malays have our rights guaranteed under the Federal Constitution too with a lot of decisions, including some minor everyday kind of calls appearing to need the final nod of the PMO. This column had argued earlier that a kind of obedience training appears to be applied to the system, one where it is being made clear as to who the boss is and what the new rules of the game are. MCA is not castrated by Umno unlike a long time ago, under Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s administration. Since then, when can a MCA president stand shoulder to shoulder, nose to nose with an Umno president?
The voters wanted a new mode of democracy and they have got it, although it is a version that is new to them. Najib’s model of democracy begins with democracy but instead of giving the electorate a greater say in governance, asks them to trust him to deliver the same. It is a high risk strategy but so far, the voters seem to have responded well, unused as they are to a politician taking on greater responsibility. But it also means that no overhaul of the political culture is at hand.Najib will use the politics of the day to his advantage, but will not challenge it directly. As things stand, he doesn’t need to submit to the Chinese.
.The current government under PM Najib continues to act on the first front but is there even an attempt to deliver a new kind of democracy? On the face of it, it does not seem so. No attempt has been made to cut back on the visible signs of power that those even faintly brushed by it revel in demonstrating. The sirens, the immunity from rules,There is no attempt to alter the nature of the political discourse, nor to trim its trappings. In that sense, the Najib government is no different from the previous Mahathir regime, and from other political imaginations that dominate the landscape.
The model depends leverages an act of democracy into an assertion of absolute authority — at the heart of this model lies Najib’s ability to connect directly to voters and to earn their confidence. The apparatus employed by him uses media in a way that makes the party organisation and network irrelevant to a large degree. Najib becomes the one-man vote machine on whom the entire party relies; in turn he exercises power over the party in a way that is unprecedented for UMNO
MCA's only avowed mission is to safeguard the political rights of Chinese Malaysians, and yet here we have MCA chief Liow Tiong Lai scrambling to cover up BN chief and Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak's point-blank insult and blackmail of the Chinese community, right on the stage of MCA's annual general assembly. Malays are granted the privilege as dictated in the constitution. But that reading might be a bit incomplete, for some things have changed. As has been extensively reported and speculated upon, there seems to have been a significant re-ordering of the power equation between the PM and MCA with a lot of decisions, including some minor everyday kind of calls appearing to need the final nod of the PMO.
Speaking to the delegates in the assembly, Najib said: "You can't demand and then support DAP. You can't demand and then support Pakatan." This message is crystal clear: If you don't vote for us, you can't ask for your rights under this government.If Liow still insists that Najib's words were distorted by the web media, would he put Najib's entire speech on YouTube for everyone to see and hear?
A deputy minister today attributed the bumiputera community's purported failure to obtain 30 percent equity to people working under Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak, whom he claimed fails to understand the PM's vision and aspiration
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