Saturday, October 10, 2015

The rulers’ statement has gathers pace on No-confidence move against Najib

Dominic Puthucheary, a leading constitutional lawyer in Kuala Lumpur, called the Sultans’ statement “unprecedented” and said it can be expected to have a “material effect” on Najib’s tenure. “The rulers have the respect of the Malay community. The fact that they took it upon themselves to issue it has enhanced their own standing.”
here are many in the top Malaysian leadership who wish to see Malaysia enjoy the fruits of multi-party democracy and federalism in full measure. full support to a polity based on the twin pillars of constitutional monarchy and multi-party democracy Some of them can surely muster sufficient goodwill in Putra Jaya
Democracy is a broad paradigm. It is also a shared goal powerful democracies want to promote and pursue in their zones of influence. But there are variants and this is where Constitution-making becomes vital. Malaysia’s current challenge is to be able to graduate from a power-influencer, a promoter of democracy, to a natural model for South Asia. Here is where resembling Constitutions, similar principles of distribution of power, structures and practices matter.The making of a Constitution is, for most parts, supposed to be a very inward exercise, one that inquires threadbare into the complex realities of a country to come up with the most acceptable governance frame. It’s broadly meant to be a reflection of contest and compromise, aiming at the end to cement a firm underlying commitment to democracy.But beyond all this, it’s also a power tussle: of what gets in, what’s left out, of agendas and influences, methods and means. Most importantly, of the systems and structures the founding document will instigate. when the government of Malaysia  extended its full support to a polity based on the twin pillars of constitutional monarchy and multi-party democracy 
However, asked if he thought it would bring down the prime minster, he said “I think he can be just a walking dead man. He is not yet a buried dead man.”
the House Speaker, Pandikar Amin Mulia, has said he would block such a move in any case, saying a no confidence vote would be a threat to democracy, an interpretation at odds with almost any country following the Westminster parliamentary model.

Dewan Rakyat Speaker Tan Sri Pandikar Mulia Amin's claim that there is no mechanism to move a vote of no confidence, but said Najib could instead ask for a vote of confidence to prove that he still had majority support.

The people have clearly spoken," the no-confidence vote against Najib in Parliament would be the most democratic way to remove the prime minister.
The Penang lawmaker said although any federal lawmaker can move such a motion, it is only proper that Dr Wan Azizah does it with support of all opposition MPs.
He revealed that DAP MPs have moved to file the motion but withdrew it when they realised that it was better for the Opposition Leader to take the lead in the matter.
The Bagan MP stressed, however, that this does not mean that the matter has been left solely to PKR to decide.
“This will be done by the Opposition Leader with full support from all opposition parties,” he said, adding, however, that the parties have yet to formally discuss the matter.
He added that Pakatan Harapan allies are not delaying the matter but want more time for discussion.
The Opposition has been planning to file a no-confidence motion against Najib over scandals surrounding his leadership, including the 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) controversy and the issue of the so-called RM2.6 billion deposited into his personal account.
Former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad had also recently called on Barisan Nasional MPs to support a no-confidence motion against Najib.

 Image result for Speaker Pandikar Amin Mulia HYPOCRISY OF BLIND Najib-SUPPORTER

The inability to move out an unpopular and seemingly corrupt premier has exposed fundamental flaws in Malaysia’s governance The former editor of the UMNO-owned New Straits Times group of newspapers, A. Kadir Jasin, a close confidant of Mahathir, said on his blog that Najib would be regarded as defying the Sultans if he doesn’t push forward an investigation of the matter immediately. Would the various bodies probing 1MDB rather defy the Sultans or the prime minister, who has fired and replaced the previous attorney general for allegedly preparing an indictment and has neutralized several other individuals, Kadir asked. “Unless Najib and his extremist supporters have ‘lost their minds’ and are disloyal to the [King], they would do as has been decreed,” Kadir said.
 Najib   was also greeted by a statement on Tuesday, Oct. 6, by Malaysia’s nine powerful hereditary Sultans asking the government to complete the investigation into 1MDB as soon as possible, “take the appropriate stern action” against all found to be implicated and report the findings comprehensively and transparently. According to the statement, the Sultans worry that if the issue drags on, it could jeopardize the country’s economy and personal livelihoods.

Speaker Pandikar Amin Mulia HYPOCRISY OF BLIND Najib-SUPPORTER

It's almost certain that a no-confidence motion against Prime Minister Najib Razak will be tabled when Parliament re-sits on Oct 19 for its budget session
  Najib aftermath:Ahmad Zahid  has taken a slippery slope
Zahid Hamidi--Malay Rights
George Orwell and  are unlikely to have seen aye to aye on any number of things. But the author of the political allegory Animal Farm – which contains the oft-quoted quote “All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others” – might well have concurred with Lalu’s observation that even animals have their own caste system
However, not all the animal spirits infusing the circus of  Malaysian politics are equally felicitous. Horse trading, for example, is the Election Commission’s nightmare. But those who resort to it are not thereby deemed to be outcasts – or outcastes – from the political marketplace. Indeed, in the era of coalitional convenience and cohabitation, an ability to run with the hare and hunt with the hounds might help to identify one not as a base snake in the grass but as that prized species of leopard which can, and does, change its spots at will.While politicians caste their lot together in a Noah’s ark of their making, the voting community as a whole might view itself as a fatalistic camel awaiting the final straw that will break its long-suffering back.
In any event, Najib, having poured millions of ringgit into jobs, sinecures and outright bribes, continues to enjoy the support of 192 UMNO cadres who see his continued tenure as their meal ticket. But as the crisis festers, Malaysia’s fiscal situation deteriorates. After the ringgit bottomed out on Sept. 28 at 4.4570, government intervention brought its value back to RM4.3200. Although GDP remains at a relatively healthy 4.9 percent fiscal revenues are going through the floor and inflation has risen from 0.1 percent in February to 3.3 percent in July and is expected to keep rising.
Later this month, Najib is faced with presenting a fiscal budget to the parliament. But analysts familiar with the country’s growing fiscal problems say it will be virtually impossible for him to present a spending plan that would meet obligations without borrowing. With international sources having lost confidence in the ringgit, borrowing costs are likely to skyrocket.
A perfect storm of bad economic news appears about to inundate a rudderless government in Malaysia as political squabbling paralyzes leaders, according to sources in Kuala Lumpur. Fiscal revenues are going through the floor, the currency is diving and inflation has risen from 0.1 percent in February to 3.3 percent in July and is expected to rise.
With a huge projected fiscal deficit and steep bond indebtedness, the country may be faced with borrowing on the international markets. But with a sliding currency and allegations of massive corruption threatening the government of Prime Minister Najib Razak, borrowing costs are likely to be through the roof.
Most observers in Malaysia believe that Najib remains insulated from political overthrow by the paid for loyalty of the 192 United Malays National Organization cadres in the Barisan Nasional, or national ruling coalition. But a major financial crisis could change the equation.

The ugly corruption of Inspector-General of Police Khalid 

  The belief that power is the only instrument of change legitimized any and every mode of getting elected. What this fails to recognise is that the process of winning simultaneously erodes the ability to bring about real change. You cannot change what Najib have  become. his interest in power, without always overwhelming it. caught as it is between being a political movement with ideals and a party with real life imperatives,The episode involves a disastrous wedding with Rosmah his 2nd wife So if you say “damn UMNO,” or you make a humorous video about the Prime Minister’s wife, you will be arrested for sedition against the government, even though your target was UMNO and the self-styled First Lady of Malaysia UMNO and Rosmah are not the government.

Incomprehension mixed with a deep sense of disappointment. That is what a significant number of Malaysian voters   Malaysian have been feeling ever since a bizarre set of events over the last couple of weeks has been unleashed on them 
A nation of scoundrels? A Big NO is my answer. It is true that some of us are subservient to plutocrats in UMNO. These people  are found in the Judiciary, the Civil Service, the Police and the military and include those who prosper as UMNO cronies. But thousands of decent Malaysians have shown(at BERSIH 1, 2, 3 and other rallies)  that they have got what it takes to make Malaysia a united, peaceful, and prosperous country where there is equal opportunity for all who are prepared to work hard. They are the patriots. They want to be a free people and resent government telling them how to live their lives and practice their religions.
zahid hamidi khalid abu bakar'
One evening in April 1775, the English man of letters Samuel Johnson made a famous remark.”Patriotism,” he said, “is the last refuge of the scoundrel.”Johnson was criticising what he called false patriots – people who invoke the name of their country to advance their own political agenda.In America, we often refer to that kind of scoundrel as “people who wrap themselves in the flag.” It means people who pretend to do something for patriotic reasons or out of loyalty to their country when their real motives are selfish, and their real goal is their own personal and political gain.It means people who “play the patriot card” and try to diminish their opponents by suggesting they do not love their country, or are even traitors to it.


A Case of Bad Governance, Muzzled Opposition Members of Parliament  and Over-Concentration of Power ofTerrorism in Judiciary of Malaysia’ charges is a fresh blow to nascent democracy in  Malaysia

Inspector-General of Police Khalid may have a lot of explaining to do and the job of turning around the fortunes of Royal Malaysian  police becomes all the more difficult. 

 But one can’t entirely blame Inspector-General of Police Khalid who, within the insane constraints  operate, keep Malaysia moving and maintain law of jungle and order of Najib and his jungle lady

Debates in a modern democratic society often centre around removing religion from politics, rescuing sports, arts and cultural activities from the clutches of politicians and giving freedom and space to media and judiciary to operate fearlessly and independently.Malaysian has seen the exit of . The departures and appointments have always not been made on solid grounds. Incompetence, corruption and insubordination are valid grounds for removal of a top cop and some of these may have indeed been the cause for Mr Maria’s removal. If that is the case, it is welcome.
Seldom do we focus on the all important aspect of separating police from politicians. 
In a democratic society police must not be a law unto themselves. In spite of strong pressures and temptations to the contrary, they are not to act in an explicitly political fashion, such as by spying on or disrupting groups they disagree with or failing to enforce the law against groups they support or to enforce laws they personally disagree with. Nor are they to serve the partisan interests of the party in power, or the party they would like to see in power. Their purpose must not be to enforce political conformity. Holding unpopular beliefs or behaving in unconventional, yet legal, ways are not adequate grounds for interfering with citizen’s liberty. When opponents of democracy operate within the law police have an obligation to protect their rights, as well as the rights of others. In an important sense a democratic police is a politically neutral police. For example in a racial or labor disturbance police are not to take sides, nor should they spy on, or disrupt the legal actions of an opposition political party…
The spectacle of top police officers kowtowing to politicians, petty ministers  and being subject to the whims and fancies of every new government is a sad but sorry reality in Malaysia. Morale is low, corruption rampant as many policemen find it convenient to cater to unscrupulous politicians and high rankinggovernment officers never do an honest day’s work. Not only is the image of the force tarnished but honest officers often find it difficult to work in an atmosphere of mistrust, political intrigues and other shenanigans.Like the bureaucracy, the police establishment should also not get the signal that they are a political football vulnerable to being tossed around with change of the political wind. 

A defining characteristic of police is their mandate to legally use force and to deprive citizens of their liberty. This power is bound to generate opposition from those who are subject to it. It also offers great temptations for police abuse and abuse on behalf of the authorities controlling them. Law enforcement requires a delicate balancing act. The conflicts between liberty and order receive their purest expression in considerations of democratic policing., which is not necessarily equivalent to ‘policing in a democracy’. For example until recently South Africa had many of the trappings of a democratic society for white citizens, but its policing was highly undemocratic. One can also imagine a monarchy rather than a republic, in which the police are none-the-less broadly accountable to law and the public and police power is limited and consistent with values such as those in the U.N.’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The general political framework of a country involving the means of choosing leaders and establishing rules may show a degree of independence from the organization and activities of police even though there is some link between them…

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